Erdogan says the HDP is not a legitimate political party, but merely the offshoot of the outlawed Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK). Bekir Sahin, the chief public prosecutor of the Supreme Court of Appeals, echoed this view, arguing that the HDP “was acting together with the PKK terrorist organization and affiliated organizations.”

But in 2019, as an example of its independence, the HDP broke with PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan at the Istanbul municipal elections.

One of the co-leaders of the HDP, Selahattin Demirtas, has been in prison since November 2016. He is charged with instructing pro-PKK groups toward the 2014 protests over the ISIS invasion of Kobani in Syria; protests across Turkey led to the deaths of 53 people.

Demirtas has not been tried or convicted despite a ruling by the European Court of Human Rights demanding his release. His party is now in danger of being banned.

Nowruz fires

Each year in March, Kurds across the Middle East celebrate Nowruz, the New Year festival. This year, across Turkey, Kurdish communities burned their Nowruz fires and celebrated the new year. Everywhere the mood was similar: people felt angry that the health of the Kurdish leader Ocalan – imprisoned in solitary confinement since 1999 – has deteriorated and that the Turkish state is attempting to ban the HDP.

In Diyarbakir, HDP co-leader Mithat Sancar said with defiance, “As long as the Nowruz fire is burning, nobody can make us kneel.”

What is happening to the HDP now has been a recurrent feature of Turkish politics since the republic was established in 1923. Kurds, who make up almost 20% of the Turkish population, have struggled to get their political voice heard in the country. The PKK, formed in 1978, went into an armed struggle in 1984, thereby ceding the political space to other Kurdish forces.

Over the past several decades, Kurdish political groups and the Turkish left have worked together in a range of alliances to widen democracy in the country; each of these attempts has been shut down.

In 1990, the political left and the Kurds came together to form the People’s Labor Party (HEP), which was then banned in 1993. Out of the HEP came the Freedom and Democracy Party (OZDEP), which only lasted four months. Then came the Democracy Party (DEP, 1993-1994), the People’s Democracy Party (HADEP, 1994-2003), and the Democratic People’s Party (DEHAP, 1997-2005).

The streams of the Turkish left and the Kurdish emancipatory currents came together in 2012 to form the HDP. Unlike its predecessors, the HDP aspired to be, and acted like, a truly inclusive rather than purely ethnically based political movement.

Initially, the HDP and the government worked together to grant Kurds social and political rights in exchange for the transition to a presidential system. The process stalled (or was perhaps sabotaged). Erdogan supported the negotiations, but then denounced them.

Everything came to a head in 2016, after Demirtas was accused of praising Ocalan in a March 2016 Nowruz address. Not long after that, in May 2016, the parliament voted to strip HDP members of immunity, and in November of that year, the police arrested nine HDP leaders, including Demirtas and the other party co-chairman Figen Yuksekdag.

Two years later, the Turkish state arrested Yuksekdag’s successor as party leader, Serpil Kemalbay, in February 2018, and by March that year, 11,000 HDP members were reported to have been arrested.

The current attempt to ban the HDP is part of this long-standing attempt of the Turkish state to delegitimize both Kurdish political forces and the political opposition.

A bed inside parliament

On March 17, the Turkish parliament stripped HDP lawmaker Omer Faruk Gergerlioglu, a medical doctor, of immunity from prosecution and revoked his parliamentary status; this revocation is the first step toward imprisonment.

The immediate reason was that Gergerlioglu had shared content on Twitter in 2016 that the government said was tantamount to support for terrorism (it was actually a news story, which remains accessible on the news site T24, about how the PKK in northern Iraq had called for a peace process).

In 2018, for the 2016 tweet, Gergerlioglu was convicted, which he appealed. He recently publicized violations of human rights in Turkey, which could send him to prison for two to six years.

Gergerlioglu refused to buckle. He said he had been elected by the people of Kocaeli, east of Istanbul, and he would be guided only by their will. Gergerlioglu moved into the HDP offices inside parliament, where he slept until Sunday, March 21, when the police entered the building and arrested him on his way to morning prayers.

The extreme right-wing leader Devlet Bahceli of the fascist Nationalist Action Party (MHP), whose parliamentary support is essential to keep Erdogan in power, tweeted that when Gergerlioglu slept in parliament, he left “a black stain on democracy.” Bahceli called Gergerlioglu a “dirty person” and urged his removal both from the parliament and from high office.

Erosion of democracy

Erdogan faces an economy in tatters, a foreign policy in shambles, and a splintering AKP. The alliance between the AKP and the MHP seeks to maintain power by breaking up the parliamentary opposition.

Frustration with the economy in Turkey led Erdogan to fire central bank governor Naci Agbal, the third person in this post to be removed in two years. Turkey’s economy continues to show modest growth, but its currency, the lira, has been struck by inflationary pressure.

Agbal and his predecessors had kept interest rates high to control inflation; this is something that his successor, Sahap Kavcioglu, said he would reverse. Kavcioglu is a close ally of Erdogan, whose theory that high interest rates are the cause of inflation has long raised eyebrows.

After Kavcioglu’s appointment, the lira lost 15% of its value when the Asian markets first opened, eventually stabilizing around a loss of 9.5%.

Without parliamentary scrutiny, the central bank will become more of an appendage of the presidency.

Finally, in the midst of all this chaos, Erdogan withdrew his country from the Istanbul Convention, a 2011 Council of Europe treaty for the prevention of violence against women. Many speculate that it has to do with pressure from traditionalist and extreme right groups that are the base of his support.

Anger, dismay and confusion reign among those in Turkey who see Erdogan’s actions as the slow destruction of the country’s modest democratic gains. If the HDP is banned and its parliamentarians are deprived of holding on to their seats, the only way the plans of the government alliance can be stopped will be an extremely improbable act of defiance on the part of the official opposition.

Only if the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Good Party (IP), the official opposition along with the HDP, walk out of the parliament, the three of them holding a combined total of 226 seats in the 600-seat parliament, will there be a deep embarrassment to Erdogan.

Asia Times

Reporter's code: 50101