According to Kurdpress, with the signing of the merger agreement on January 29, 2026 between the interim government of Syria and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a new phase in the history of Syria began. According to this agreement, all parties should establish a ceasefire, the security sector would be reorganized, local management structures would be protected and thus be included in the central system, people who had been displaced from their homes would return safely to their homelands, and the fundamental rights of all communities would be protected. But the passage of time showed that the functions and the agreement were largely different from each other. In practice, what the Damascus side was doing was aimed at purifying and bringing the self-governing management system into submission.

Although military integration was one of the most tangible and measurable areas of the agreement, there was a serious setback in this area. In the initial information that was announced to the media about this agreement, brigades made up of SDF forces were mentioned for the cities of Kobani, Haskeh, Qamishlo and Derek. The number of 6 thousand people was announced for each brigade. But over time, Damascus reduced the number of these brigades to 1,300 people. The reduction in the number of brigades that were supposed to be established in Kurdish cities caused serious security concerns among Syrian Kurdistan and Kurds. Instead of an equal reconstruction between the parties, this approach is considered as a unilateral downsizing and defenseless abandonment of the region.

In this context, another issue that attracts attention is the presence of the Women's Protection Units (YPJ). The self-governing administration wants the continued presence of YPJ, but the Damascus side has an opposite approach and indicates denial. Damascus declares that women should be in the security forces (internal security) and should not be in the army. This approach means not recognizing women's rights. Especially denying a structure like YPJ, which is the embodiment of women's rights, is considered an ideological approach for Ahmad al-Shara's government. The force, which today is called the Provisional Government of Damascus, is made up entirely of radical jihadist groups, with no place for women in its ideological structure.

There are approaches that do not recognize women not only in the army, but also in other areas of life. For example, in the process of integration of administrative institutions, an approach is shown that places men before women. Against the active role of women in the public field of self-governing administration, the system that Damascus is imposing now has caused serious dissatisfaction among the society. The non-participation of women's military structures in the process of integration is a point of discussion and criticism in terms of social participation and the criterion of equal representation. Meanwhile, international norms and regional experiences reveal that the active participation of women in the security and political arenas plays an important role in the processes of democratization and sustainable peace.

One of the sensitive topics in the integration process is the issue of prisoners of war. Even though the parties said that this issue would be resolved in the shortest possible time and the captives would be released, Damascus uses the captives in its hands as a tool of blackmail against the self-governing administration. From March 10 onwards, a total of 1,050 prisoners were released in 6 groups, but it is not yet clear how many more prisoners are in the hands of Damascus forces.

According to the available information, in the issue of prisoners, many people who were mobilized from Turkish Kurdistan to defend Syrian Kurdistan were either executed or handed over to Turkey. In other words, the interim government of Damascus does not pursue a transparent policy on the issue of prisoners.

Another issue that has caused dissatisfaction among the society is the failure to hand over the bodies of SDF forces and civilians who lost their lives in the war. Although the Damascus government has handed over some of the bodies to their families, many bodies are still kept in the morgue of Aleppo, Raqqa and Deir Ezzor hospitals.

It is also known that many bodies are buried in unmarked cemeteries. The exact number of bodies in the hands of the Damascus government is unclear.

Little progress has been made regarding the return of displaced families to their homes. A number of Kurdish families returned to Afrin, but the return to Sarekani has not yet begun. Those who return to Afrin face different problems. The serious pressure on the families who returned to Afrin continues. Arbitrary detentions, arrests and torture continue. Ransom is demanded from the families of Kurdish youths who are kidnapped by Damascus forces. It is also said that the houses of many families have been usurped by militias and they are returned to Afrini families in exchange for receiving thousands of dollars. In addition, the houses of some families have been completely looted and destroyed. In other words, an approach in accordance with the rules of legal process and property rights is not shown; Rather, an arbitrary and deliberate occupation policy is being implemented. When this situation is assessed in terms of international law, to achieve a dignified, voluntary and safe return, property rights must be preserved and rights violations put an end to. Despite this, Damascus does not show a coherent approach in this direction.

In the framework of political rights, limitations attract attention. The agreement mentions the rights of local representation, cultural expression and mother tongue, but these things are not fully implemented in the field of action. This situation creates questions for both the Kurds and other components in terms of participation in the government. The election process, which was held on May 25, was much discussed and disputed. We witnessed an election in which the Kurds were not represented. For the Kurds, who make up nearly 20% of the Syrian population, only 4 seats were allocated in the island region. The elections were held with the candidates of the Supreme Election Board, whose members were also directly appointed by Ahmad al-Shara. In front of this show, where the will of the people had no place and the name of the election was given to it, the Kurdish parties and institutions boycotted the election, led by the PYD. This is while the correct action was that the elections were planned and candidates were determined with the coordination of institutions with political will within the self-governing administration.

One of the most sensitive issues of the integration process is to protect the status of the Kurdish people. Along with trying to purify the structures related to the self-governing administration, the ban on the Kurdish language in the public arena creates an atmosphere of tension in this process. The ban on the Kurdish language can be seen as part of the same policy that does not recognize the rights of the Kurds. Writing in Arabic-English languages ​​on the board of the court in Hasakah and leaving no room for the Kurdish language is ignoring the rights of the Kurds. Also, not accepting the Kurdish language as the language of education and not guaranteeing it in the constitution is a puritanical policy. This approach is seen as a position to deny the existence of a group of people.

In the field of economy, it was also decided that the agricultural sectors, border gates, electricity, gas and oil production centers will be managed based on giving an equal share to the local sector in the process of integration. In the issue of economic division, which has not yet been determined, Damascus imposes that all economic institutions must be handed over to it. It also wants those institutions to be managed by its own employees. This is despite the fact that it was said in the initial discussions that the rights of employees will be preserved in all institutions. Today, in the institutions that Damascus has taken under its control, it changes most of the staff and mainly employs Arabs close to its ideology.

When we look at the existing board, we see that integration is not a technical issue; Rather, it is an issue related to the structure of the government, cultural and political protection of the structure of the society, the authority of local management, the issue of security and the distribution of economic resources. All these issues must be guaranteed in the constitution. If a democratic system and culture is not established, it seems difficult to establish peace in Syria. Integration should be based on democratic norms and proceed based on constitutional guarantees for self-governing management and the rights of all. A situation contrary to this would mean the imposition of purification and submission.

Source: Firat