According to Kurdpress, in a message published in the July issue of the periodical *Kominal*, Abdullah Öcalan outlined the characteristics of the new era following the cessation of PKK activities. He emphasized the necessity of building a democratic society based on communalism, grassroots organization, and social participation, describing this stage as the beginning of a new chapter in the political and social struggle.
Text of Abdullah Öcalan’s message to *Kominal*:
"I viewed the new publication you have launched with hope and enthusiasm. It appears you have named it 'Kominal.' While it could have been 'Komunar,' I like this name as well. The fact that this publication has assumed the role of *Serxwebûn* in this new era marks a significant and historic development. Above all, I wish you success."
It appears that you are striving to establish a robust theoretical framework. However, the demands of this new era extend beyond mere theoretical discourse; they require a media approach that finds meaning within the fabric of daily life, organizes society, and fosters practical methods and pathways. Consequently, I believe you should place greater emphasis on matters of practical organization, for we view this new era as a time for the rise of communalism.
As you are aware, the Kurds represent an ancient reality in terms of their existence—one that might even be traced back to the very dawn of modern humanity. The pivotal role they played in ancient history has enabled them to preserve their distinct characteristics to this day and endure as a unique people. Yet, throughout history, these very traits have also turned Kurdistan into a focal point of pressure, oppression, and invasion, transforming the land into a theater for the systematic implementation of policies of denial, annihilation, and genocide. Consequently, the entire anthropological and ontological history of the Kurds—and even their cultural evolution—has been betrayed. As a result of this contradiction, the essence of Kurdish identity has been severed from its true meaning, leaving it like a lifeless, wounded, and battered body.
Undoubtedly, the Kurds are not the only people to have faced genocide. Yet, unlike nations that were completely obliterated and wiped out as a result of genocide, nor having crystallized their existence into a nation-state—as is common in the modern era—they instead developed distinct forms of resistance in every historical epoch, rooted in their ancient traditions, and withstood waves of destruction. Therein lies the secret of their uniqueness. Nevertheless, in the twentieth century, a people possessing a history as old as humanity itself—and values of equal antiquity—found themselves encircled by nation-states that embodied systematic extermination, and thus faced the threat of annihilation.
In such a harsh climate rife with denial, we emerged as a beacon of hope for a people who had been hollowed out—stripped of their true selves; a people whose dreams, no less than their bodies, had been consigned to the earth, and who were grappling with the very question of survival and existence.
In the autumn of 1978, coinciding with the publication of the first issue of *Serxwebûn*, we declared: "We feel shame at the plight in which the Kurds find themselves, and this very sentiment shall be the primary source of our strength in fulfilling our mission."
Guided by this conviction—and a two-word slogan passed from person to person—we strove to forge a new history and construct a new reality. Amidst an atmosphere of denial, annihilation, and forced assimilation, we waged a monumental fifty-two-year struggle that reversed the Kurds' flight from their own identity and existence, thereby initiating a historic new era.
The PKK owes this success, above all, to the enlightenment and awakening it sparked in people's minds; instead of feeling shame over their own existence, they created a reality in which they took pride—striving to be their true selves and to uphold their values.
Sarkhubon, who played a pivotal role in this awakening among the Kurds, became the voice of the PKK from its very inception. He carried the cry of protest and freedom—which resonated across mountains, prisons, and streets—to every segment of society, from the young and the elderly to women and children, thereby becoming one of the most important companions on this arduous journey.
This journey—which began in 1978 with a typewriter surreptitiously transported from place to place—managed, by overcoming all the hardships of the struggle, to become a pivotal milestone in the formation and growth of what we today recognize as Kurdish thought and consciousness.
In this context, *Serxwebûn* placed the emergence of the party at the center of its mission and played a historic role in that regard. It was an influential publication that shaped the consciousness, organization, and strategic direction of the struggle for an entire era, embodying all the concepts that were realized within the PKK. Thus, *Serxwebûn* was not merely a publication; it became the name, the voice, and the spirit of an era.
The existential reality of the Kurdish people is now universally acknowledged; yet, establishing this existence does not equate to the full realization of a free life. Indeed, the Kurd exists—but how will that Kurd live? How will this existence manifest in daily life? How will they organize themselves? These questions and issues remain unresolved.
In other words, while the PKK secured the recognition of their existence, freedom has yet to be realized. However, the state-centric socialist paradigm upon which the PKK was founded is insufficient to address these issues. Its collapse demonstrated that this foundation—namely, socialism based on the nation-state—was not a valid socialist principle.
The PKK, having been formed on this very basis, succeeded through its immense resistance in bringing the issue to light, defining it, and presenting paths of liberation to society. However, constrained by a paradigm rooted in "real socialism," it could not transcend this stage and was compelled to transform. Having fulfilled its historic role and completed its mission, the organization gave way to a form of communal organization based on the democratic society paradigm—a shift necessary to realize the social achievements lying ahead. This necessity stems both from the reality of "real socialism" and from the imperative to move beyond the policies of denial and annihilation in Kurdistan.
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