According to Kurdpress, a new analysis by the "Foundation for the Defense of Democracies" warns that the dispute over the political representation and cultural rights of the Syrian Kurds has become the most important gap in the integration process between the Damascus government and the autonomous administration of North and East Syria; A gap that can seriously endanger the agreement between the Syrian government and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF).

According to "Ahmed Sharawi", the senior analyst of this American think tank, although the process of military integration between Damascus and "QSD" has made progress in recent months, the Syrian Kurds believe that the transitional political structure of Syria has not provided them with real and effective representation.

On May 24, the process of appointing parliamentarians from the Kurdish regions of Haskeh province and Kobani city (Ain al-Arab) was completed and 11 vacant parliamentary seats were filled. Five seats went to Kurdish candidates, but Kurdish officials and movements described the process as "appointment" and said the mechanism did not reflect the "free will of the Kurds."

Under Syria's transitional political system, citizens do not directly elect their representatives. According to the "Constitutional Declaration", which practically plays the role of the interim constitution of Syria, the selection of representatives is done through a series of electoral committees and boards. The High Committee for Parliamentary Elections, which was formed by Syrian President Ahmed al-Shora, has appointed sub-committees and these committees have also appointed local election boards. Finally, about seven thousand members of these delegations have chosen two-thirds of the parliamentary seats, and the remaining one-third is directly appointed by the president.

The analysis of the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies notes that at the time of this process, Damascus did not allow the election of representatives in the areas under the control of "SDF" in the provinces of Hasaka and Raqqa, as well as Suwayda.

In another part of this analysis, it is stated that while the process of military integration between Damascus and "QSD" has progressed with the mediation of the United States, differences over political and cultural issues still persist.

In January 2026, an agreement was reached with the mediation of the US between the Syrian government and the SDF, based on which it was decided that the Syrian Democratic Forces as well as the North and East Syrian Autonomous Administration will be gradually integrated into the structure of the Syrian government. Since the signing of this agreement, four brigades affiliated with "SDF" have been integrated into the Syrian army. Also, the Syrian Ministry of Defense has appointed Sipan Hamo, one of the senior commanders of the SDF, as the deputy minister of defense for the eastern region, and a figure close to the SDF has also been elected as the deputy commander of the 60th division of the Syrian army.

However, according to this analysis, progress in the field of political and cultural rights has been much more limited. Although Ahmad al-Shara described the Kurdish language as a "national language" in a decree on January 18 and proposed rights such as granting citizenship, recognizing the cultural and linguistic rights of Kurds, and teaching the Kurdish language in schools in the Kurdish regions, the disputes over language rights continue.

In this context, early this month, a group of protesters pulled down the government sign of the Palace of Justice in Haskeh; An action that occurred after removing the Kurdish writings from the board and replacing it with Arabic and English languages.

This analysis also emphasizes that the concentration of power in the hands of Ahmad al-Shara has increased the concern of the Kurds. The Syrian parliament has not been formed in the last 18 months, and this issue has caused Sharia to practically rule through presidential decrees.

According to the constitutional declaration, the parliament is responsible for passing laws and granting amnesty, but in the absence of the parliament, the president has exercised these powers personally; While the text of the declaration of the constitution does not explicitly provide such authority for the president.

According to the author, this situation has intensified the mistrust between Damascus and the Kurds, especially since the Kurdish currents were excluded in the process of drafting the new Syrian constitution in March 2025. At that time, Kurdish groups and parties rejected the constitutional declaration and considered it a text that was drafted without inclusive participation.

Finally, the Foundation for Defense of Democracies recommends that the United States should pressure Damascus to implement its obligations regarding Kurdish rights and ensure that these rights are enshrined in Syria's future constitution. Also, Washington should condition the expansion of cooperation with the Syrian government to limit the concentration of power in the hands of Ahmad al-Shara.

This analysis also emphasizes that the United States can use existing legal tools, including Executive Order 13894, against individuals or entities that obstruct the implementation of the integration agreement between Damascus and the SDF; The order is used against actions that threaten "the peace, security, stability or territorial integrity of Syria."